Happy Malcolm X Day

May 19, 2008



“Brothers and sisters, if you and I would just realize, that once we learn to talk the language that they understand, they will then get the point. You can’t ever reach a man if you don’t speak his language. If a man speaks the language of brute force, you can’t come to him with peace. Why goodnight! He’ll break you in two, as he has been doing all along. If a man speaks French, you can’t speak to him in German. If he speaks Swahili, you can’t communicate with him in Chinese. You have to find out, what does this man speak? Once you know his language, learn how to speak his language. He’ll get the point, there will be some dialogue, some communication, and some understanding will be developed. You’ve been in this country long enough to know the language the Klan speaks, they only know one language. What you and I have to start doing in 1965, I mean that’s what you have to do because most of us have already been doing it, is start learning a new language. Learn the language that they understand, and then when they come up on our door step to talk, we can talk.”

“It is a duty, it is your and my duty, as men, as human beings, it’s our duty to our people, to organize ourselves. Let the government know if they don’t stop that Klan, we’ll stop it ourselves. Then you’ll see the government start doing something about it. But don’t ever think they are going to do it on some morality basis, no. So I don’t believe in violence, that’s why I want to stop it.”

“I am not a Republican nor a Democrat, nor an American, and got sense enough to know it. I am one of the 22 million Black victims of the Democrats, and one of the 22 million Black victims of the Republicans, and one of the 22 million Black victims of Americanism…. You and I have never seen Democracy, all we’ve seen is hypocracy…. If you go to jail, so what. If you are Black, you were born in jail. If you are Black, you were born in jail, in the North as well as the South. Stop talking about the South. As long as you are South of the Canadian border, you are South.”


Paul Robeson: Words Like Freedom

May 8, 2008

“I defy any part of this insolent, dominating America, however powerful; to challenge my Americanism; because by word and deed I challenge this vicious system to the death.”

“The artist must elect to fight for Freedom or for Slavery. I have made my choice. I had no alternative.”

Paul Robeson: Words Like Freedom is not only the history of Paul Robeson as a freedom fighter but also the history of the fight for freedom in the U.S. It is Paul Robeson’s voice we hear; it is his spirit that gives voice to the Black struggle. In the voice, we hear a resolve to be alive with the struggle of resistance.

Featuring a collection of Robeson’s interviews and speeches, Words Like Freedom includes a little more than eleven minutes of riveting testimony by Robeson to the HUAC, June 12, 1956.

The CD also includes an excerpt from Here I Stand, Robeson’s autobiography, written in 1958, in which his concept of the “oneness of people” resonates with the force and the dignity of a commitment to freedom for all suffering injustice and inequality through the system of capitalism.

In his autobiography, Robeson talked about his belief in the principles of scientific socialism an his conviction that a “scientific socialism” would represent “an advance to a higher stage of life—that it is a form of society which is economically, socially, culturally, and ethnically superior to a system based upon production for private profit.”

Robeson lectured tirelessly across the country and around the world urging people of color and workers to unite and to organize in order to bring about a radical new world in which people are truly free. We hear him urge the audience to unite, in the “Harlem Speech: Communists.” “We must unite. We must know our strength.” Black people, Robeson declared, “must be the decisive voice” in the struggle for freedom. “We must shout at the top of our voices” about the injustices committed in the U.S.

In his interview with Elsa Knight Thompson, he called on Black people to be “militant” and at the fore front for freedom because Black Americans “we have a tradition of tremendous consistent speaking out.”

Since the days of slavery and the abolition movement, Blacks have followed the footsteps of Harriet Tubman and Sojourner Truth who did not, along with others enslaved, settle for the lesser brand of slavery. In his speech to the Progressive Party, “Lesser Evil,” Robeson reminds the audience that those enslaved ancestors “refused to settle for less.” Certainly now we will not settle for less in our struggle for freedom. Masses of Americans, Robeson declared, will be inspired by the Blacks and the workers fight and will join the fight, “working on the level of complete equality.”

This was a man who “never separated his work as an artist from my work as a human being.” “To me, my art is always a weapon.” And indeed, from his beginnings in Princeton, New Jersey in 1898, Words Like Freedom offers Robeson’s own voice exuberant and strong even in the telling of his personal tragedies and harassment by the U.S. government.

Words Like Freedom should find its way in the high schools and college classrooms. We hear the voice of a warrior, a radical voice who did not talk of triangulation! Robeson had convictions and was committed to fighting for the human rights of Black Americans and workers—but all Americans and all of humankind. We hear the voice of a warrior for freedom and we should not fear this voice.

Official Website


Gil Scott-Heron speaks up again

April 29, 2008

by Len Righi
The Morning Call (Allentown, Pa.)
29 April 2008

Give props to Gil Scott-Heron for the cutting-edge topicality of his best street poetry and jazz-inflected R&B over the last four decades and the activist performer will accept the compliment graciously, albeit with reservations.

For instance, the celebrated anti-apartheid track “Johannesburg” – his first chart single and the opener on his 1976 album “From South Africa to South Carolina” – spotlighted an issue that was under most Americans’ radar but would soon become a bone of contention during the Reagan era.

“By the time I wrote that in 1974, Nelson Mandela had been in jail for 12 years,” Scott-Heron quickly points out during a conversation from his New York City home, disavowing any exceptional foresight in the process. “The subject of apartheid wasn’t new. It’s all about perspective, how you look at it.

“When we (Scott-Heron and musical collaborator Brian Jackson) did `Johannesburg,’ we wondered how something that important to the world had attracted so little attention. All of these smart people in and out of government overlooked it, so we tried to say something about it.”

Since 1970, when he informed both white and black America that “The Revolution Will Not Be Televised,” Chicago-born and Jackson, Tenn.-bred Scott-Heron has eloquently and acerbically had his say on subjects such the scourge of alcohol and drug addiction (“The Bottle,” “Angel Dust”); President Nixon’s crimes (“H2O Gate Blues”) and subsequent pardon (“We Beg Your Pardon”); reactionary politics and politicians (“Bicentennial Blues,” “B Movie,” “Re-Ron”), and the dangers of nuclear power (“We Almost Lost Detroit”).

Sadly, Scott-Heron, who inspired a legion of political rappers with albums such as “Small Talk at 125th and Lenox,” “Pieces of a Man” and “Winter in America,” has spent a chunk of this decade behind bars.

In 2001, he was sentenced to one to three years for cocaine possession. He was released on parole in 2003, but in 2006 he was sentenced to two to four years for violating a plea deal (he left a treatment center claiming he was denied medication to treat HIV). He was again paroled last May.

Since then, the now 59-year-old Scott-Heron has been performing and finishing a book, “The Last Holiday,” about Stevie Wonder’s successful campaign to have the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King’s birthday made a national holiday.

Scott-Heron’s band includes percussionists Tony Duncanson and Larry MacDonald; bassist Robert Gordon (“the secretary of entertainment,” says Scott-Heron); guitarist Ed Brady (“the only black member of the Brady Bunch”); keyboardist-singer Kim Jordan, and saxophonist Vernon James.

As for “The Last Holiday,” Scott-Heron, who has been writing poetry since his teens and novels since 1970, says the long-delayed book “should be finished by end of the month. … I’ve written far more than (the publisher) can use – over 500 pages – so the editing process will take a while.

“Stevie is not the kind of person to pat himself on the back,” adds Scott-Heron, noting that Wonder’s 1980 single “Happy Birthday” popularized the King holiday campaign, and through his efforts and 1981’s Rally for Peace Press Conference, 6 million signatures were collected to pressure Congress to pass the law.

President Reagan signed the holiday into law in 1983. It was first observed in 1986. But it was not officially observed in all 50 states until 2000.

The long, sometimes bitter struggle over the holiday still reverberates. On April 4, Arizona Sen. John McCain, the presumptive GOP presidential nominee, said he made a “mistake” in 1983 when he voted against the bill that designated the third Monday of every January as a federal holiday in honor of King.

“They opposed it in Arizona on the basis of economics,” says Scott-Heron. “But Arizona changed its tune once the NFL said it wouldn’t bring the Super Bowl there … It was about the money. It always was and always will be about the money. Forget the bald eagle. The symbol of America should be the dollar sign.”

As for the current presidential race, Scott-Heron is non-committal, preferring to take a long view.

President Bush’s father, a former head of the CIA, “has been president since 1974, as soon as Nixon’s hand was caught in the cookie jar,” says Scott-Heron.

“Reagan’s policies were not his fault,” he continues. “The election of Ronald Reagan just showed that the country was losing its grip.”

President Clinton?

“He was just a governor from Arkansas.”

And the possibility that Barack Obama would be president?

“It would be great to have a good president, no matter what color he is,” says Scott-Heron. “I don’t know Obama as president. I know he’s a senator and people seem to like him. … We won’t know who Obama really is until he takes office, if they let him take office.”


MLK – Beyond Vietnam

April 9, 2008


In Memory of Malcolm X

February 22, 2008

May 19, 1925 – February 21, 1965

Eulogy by Ossie Davis


MLK

January 22, 2008

“We as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values… When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.”


James Baldwin 20th Anniversary Commemoration

December 9, 2007

James Baldwin 20th Anniversary Commemoration: Remembering the Life and Work of the Legendary Writer and Civil Rights Activist

James Baldwin, the legendary African American writer and civil rights activist, died 20 years ago this week. This Sunday in Harlem, the Schomburg Center for Research on Black Culture is holding a 20th anniversary commemoration.

We take a look at Baldwin’s life and his work with his sister-in-law Carole Weinstein, and we hear Baldwin in his own words. We also hear Tony Award-nominated actor Calvin Levels performing a part of his acclaimed one-man show, “James Baldwin: Down from the Mountaintop.”

Full Article


The Man Who Didn’t Shoot Malcolm X

October 26, 2007

The Man Who Didn’t Shoot Malcolm X

He spent twenty-two years in prison for an infamous murder he didn’t commit. But Khalil Islam, confined, traveled inward.
By Mark Jacobson

Khalil Islam, now 72 and stooped over but still dapper in his purple embroidered kufi and impeccably clipped silver beard, used to go to the Audubon Ballroom on Broadway and 166th Street to see the big dance bands. Those were “my dope and jazz days,” says Khalil, who never guessed his life would change forever on February 21, 1965, the cold winter afternoon Malcolm X was assassinated at the Audubon.

Forty-two years later, the events of that day remain a hotly debated topic in Harlem—even among those far from being born in 1965.

Full Article


Little Rock Nine mark 50th anniversary

September 25, 2007

Little Rock Nine mark 50th anniversary

By PEGGY HARRIS and ANDREW DeMILLO, Associated Press Writers

LITTLE ROCK, Ark. – The Little Rock Nine, once barred from Central High School because they are black, arrived on its soggy campus Tuesday in limousines as the community marked 50 years since President Dwight D. Eisenhower directed soldiers to escort the students inside.

Full Article


The Day Louis Armstrong Made Noise

September 23, 2007

Another side of the great man not told very often in the mainstream media which continues to foster Satchmo’s image as that of a smiling, grinning, harmless black entertainer. It’s alot more useful and safer to their interests after all to maintain that rather than present him as one of the most famous and influential Americans of the 20th century, who besides his musical genius, was someone that spoke out strongly about race and racism in America.

nytimes.com

The Day Louis Armstrong Made Noise

By DAVID MARGOLICK
Published: September 23, 2007

FIFTY years ago this week, all eyes were on Little Rock, Ark., where nine black students were trying, for the first time, to desegregate a major Southern high school. With fewer than 150 blacks, the town of Grand Forks, N.D., hardly figured to be a key front in that battle — until, that is, Larry Lubenow talked to Louis Armstrong.

On the night of Sept. 17, 1957, two weeks after the Little Rock Nine were first barred from Central High School, the jazz trumpeter happened to be on tour with his All Stars band in Grand Forks. Larry Lubenow, meanwhile, was a 21-year-old journalism student and jazz fan at the University of North Dakota, moonlighting for $1.75 an hour at The Grand Forks Herald.

Shortly before Mr. Armstrong’s concert, Mr. Lubenow’s editor sent him to the Dakota Hotel, where Mr. Armstrong was staying, to see if he could land an interview. Perhaps sensing trouble — Mr. Lubenow was, he now says, a “rabble-rouser and liberal” — his boss laid out the ground rules: “No politics,” he ordered. That hardly seemed necessary, for Mr. Armstrong rarely ventured into such things anyway. “I don’t get involved in politics,” he once said. “I just blow my horn.”

But Mr. Lubenow was thinking about other things, race relations among them. The bell captain, with whom he was friendly, had told him that Mr. Armstrong was quietly making history in Grand Forks, as he had done innumerable times and ways before, by becoming the first black man ever to stay at what was then the best hotel in town. Mr. Lubenow knew, too, that Grand Forks had its own link to Little Rock: it was the hometown of Judge Ronald Davies, who’d just ordered that the desegregation plan in Little Rock proceed after Gov. Orval Faubus of Arkansas and a band of local segregationists tried to block it.

As Mr. Armstrong prepared to play that night — oddly enough, at Grand Forks’s own Central High School — members of the Arkansas National Guard ringed the school in Little Rock, ordered to keep the black students out. President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s meeting with Governor Faubus three days earlier in Newport, R.I., had ended inconclusively. Central High School was open, but the black children stayed home.

Mr. Lubenow was first told he couldn’t talk to Mr. Armstrong until after the concert. That wouldn’t do. With the connivance of the bell captain, he snuck into Mr. Armstrong’s suite with a room service lobster dinner. And Mr. Armstrong, wearing a Hawaiian shirt and shorts, agreed to talk. Mr. Lubenow stuck initially to his editor’s script, asking Mr. Armstrong to name his favorite musician. (Bing Crosby, it turned out.) But soon he brought up Little Rock, and he could not believe what he heard. “It’s getting almost so bad a colored man hasn’t got any country,” a furious Mr. Armstrong told him. President Eisenhower, he charged, was “two faced,” and had “no guts.” For Governor Faubus, he used a double-barreled hyphenated expletive, utterly unfit for print. The two settled on something safer: “uneducated plow boy.” The euphemism, Mr. Lubenow says, was far more his than Mr. Armstrong’s.

Mr. Armstrong bitterly recounted some of his experiences touring in the Jim Crow South. He then sang the opening bar of “The Star-Spangled Banner,” inserting obscenities into the lyrics and prompting Velma Middleton, the vocalist who toured with Mr. Armstrong and who had joined them in the room, to hush him up.

Mr. Armstrong had been contemplating a good-will tour to the Soviet Union for the State Department. “They ain’t so cold but what we couldn’t bruise them with happy music,” he had said. Now, though, he confessed to having second thoughts. “The way they are treating my people in the South, the government can go to hell,” he said, offering further choice words about the secretary of state, John Foster Dulles. “The people over there ask me what’s wrong with my country. What am I supposed to say?”

Mr. Lubenow, who came from a small North Dakota farming community, was shocked by what he heard, but he also knew he had a story; he skipped the concert and went back to the paper to write it up. It was too late to get it in his own paper; nor would the Associated Press editor in Minneapolis, dubious that Mr. Armstrong could have said such things, put it on the national wire, at least until Mr. Lubenow could prove he hadn’t made it all up. So the next morning Mr. Lubenow returned to the Dakota Hotel and, as Mr. Armstrong shaved, had the Herald photographer take their picture together. Then Mr. Lubenow showed Mr. Armstrong what he’d written. “Don’t take nothing out of that story,” Mr. Armstrong declared. “That’s just what I said, and still say.” He then wrote “solid” on the bottom of the yellow copy paper, and signed his name.

The article ran all over the country. Douglas Edwards and John Cameron Swayze broadcast it on the evening news. The Russians, an anonymous government spokesman warned, would relish everything Mr. Armstrong had said. A radio station in Hattiesburg, Miss., threw out all of Mr. Armstrong’s records. Sammy Davis Jr. criticized Mr. Armstrong for not speaking out earlier. But Jackie Robinson, Sugar Ray Robinson, Lena Horne, Eartha Kitt and Marian Anderson quickly backed him up.

Mostly, there was surprise, especially among blacks. Secretary Dulles might just as well have stood up at the United Nations and led a chorus of the Russian national anthem, declared Jet magazine, which once called Mr. Armstrong an “Uncle Tom.” Mr. Armstrong had long tried to convince people throughout the world that “the Negro’s lot in America is a happy one,” it observed, but in one bold stroke he’d pulled nearly 15 million American blacks to his bosom. Any white confused by the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s polite talk need only listen to Mr. Armstrong, The Amsterdam News declared. Mr. Armstrong’s words had the “explosive effect of an H-bomb,” said The Chicago Defender. “He may not have been grammatical, but he was eloquent.”

His road manager quickly put out that Mr. Armstrong had been tricked, and regretted his statements, but Mr. Armstrong would have none of that. “I said what somebody should have said a long time ago,” he said the following day in Montevideo, Minn., where he gave his next concert. He closed that show with “The Star-Spangled Banner” — this time, minus the obscenities.

Mr. Armstrong was to pay a price for his outspokenness. There were calls for boycotts of his concerts. The Ford Motor Company threatened to pull out of a Bing Crosby special on which Mr. Armstrong was to appear. Van Cliburn’s manager refused to let him perform a duet with Mr. Armstrong on Steve Allen’s talk show.

But it didn’t really matter. On Sept. 24, President Eisenhower sent 1,200 paratroopers from the 101st Airborne into Little Rock, and the next day soldiers escorted the nine students into Central High School. Mr. Armstrong exulted. “If you decide to walk into the schools with the little colored kids, take me along, Daddy,” he wired the president. “God bless you.” As for Mr. Lubenow, who now works in public relations in Cedar Park, Tex., he got $3.50 for writing the story and, perhaps, for changing history. But his editor was miffed — he’d gotten into politics, after all. Within a week, he left the paper.